Sunday 13 March 2011

PART THREE OF A FOUR-PART ESSAY Re: ISLAM IN THE U.K.

Below is the third installment of a four-part dossier about Muslim immigration written by El Inglés. This series was originally published as a single dossier in pdf format under the pseudonym “Pike Bishop”.

Previously: Part One and Part Two.


Immigrants in Birmingham

A Consideration of Muslim Immigration into the UK: Part Three
By Pike Bishop


V. If We Fail to Act

We venture forth here into a brief but frank discussion of what the future is likely to hold if Muslims continue to flood into Britain, colonize its town and cities, spit on its people and way of life, and suck the blood out of its economy. Few would choose to stare so intently into the crystal ball of ethno-sectarian violence. But that is precisely why we feel we must.

If Muslim immigration, and through it the rate of growth of the Muslim population itself, cannot be brought under control, which is to say stopped in perpetuity, then British towns and cities will continue to undergo a rapid process of colonization by their various Muslim peoples. This process of colonization will have one very unusual characteristic. Normally, technologically and economically more advanced peoples colonize peoples who are less advanced in these regards. This is why, try as they might, the native American Indians could not effectively oppose, much less reverse, the colonization they underwent at the hands of the British and other European peoples. However, in our case, the opposite will be true, as our colonization will be taking place at the hands of technologically and economically inferior peoples who, barring the odd Afghan on the back of a truck, have to be let in by our immigration apparatus to be here at all.

What this means, in a nutshell, is that this colonization will take place only as long as we allow it to, and we will not allow it forever. Eventually we will completely cast aside the various psychological restraints that have been imposed upon us (and without which said colonization could never have occurred at all), resist it, and, at least to some extent, reverse it. There are only two ways this can happen: a) in a relatively orderly and civilized fashion, when a government with the political will to deal with the problem finally comes to power, or b) in an exceptionally violent and brutal fashion, with government playing by no means the only role, and perhaps not even a particularly large one.

It would be asinine to argue that something of this nature could not happen in modern Europe when we have so recently witnessed similar events in the Balkans. And it would be simply absurd to argue it in a country which has only fairly recently emerged from a brutal ethno-sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland, a conflict that featured massive riots, ethnic cleansing of entire neighbourhoods, an alphabet soup of ruthless paramilitaries, shootings of unarmed civilians by security forces, collusion between security forces and paramilitaries, thousands of bombings, hundreds of civilians killed in cold blood, no-go zones policed by masked men brandishing AK-47s, the assassination of government officials, and a bombing that nearly wiped out the entire cabinet of the day.

The war that awaits us is tribal war, and we assure our readers that it does not consist of generals exchanging pleasantries before battle, folk riding forth and shooting at each other a bit, and some backslapping over a glass of port at the end. Rather, it consists of people identifying entire communities as their enemies and more or less indiscriminately killing them off until the threats they are perceived to constitute have been reduced to acceptable levels, whatever those levels may be. It is surely one of the greatest failures in the history of (supposedly) democratic government as an institution that so many otherwise prosperous, peaceful European countries have been deliberately hurling themselves along this path despite the fact that the eventual outcome must have been reasonably obvious from the start, and is painfully so now.

When such tribal conflict breaks out in Britain (and it certainly cannot be avoided without radical changes to immigration and other policies), the only way for it to come to an end will be for the overwhelming majority of the Muslim population of Britain to leave permanently. There will be no Good Friday Agreement to bring it to an end, and, for deep structural reasons, no equivalent agreement can exist. We will be discussing the Troubles in Northern Ireland in considerably more detail in a subsequent document, but feel obliged to explain this preliminary observation here. The civil rights movement in the nationalist community of Northern Ireland in the late 1960s had specific wrongs that it asked the Northern Ireland Parliament at Stormont to address. Most obviously these were: a) the gerrymandering that assured unionist control of councils even in areas in which nationalists outnumbered unionists, b) the consequent inferior access to council housing enjoyed by the nationalist population, and c) anti-nationalist discrimination in the workplace.

These discriminatory measures were themselves a legacy of a bitter history of colonization and conflict which left unionists, after the partition of Ireland, seeing themselves as outnumbered and besieged on the island of Ireland, with a large nationalist population within their own province whose political loyalty was weak at best and whose influence, they felt, had to be curtailed at all costs. This extreme political polarization and lack of a shared identity or shared interests was what led to the Troubles.

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998, which brought an end to the Troubles as commonly understood, essentially resulted in nationalists being granted a fairer share of political power, and unionists being provided with a guarantee that a united Ireland could only be brought about with the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. This is how these two different peoples of Northern Ireland have found a way, at least for the last twelve years, of living together in relative peace. But this cannot happen in the event of a conflict between the British and their Muslim fifth column. Indeed, every single part of this compromise in the Good Friday Agreement would be meaningless at best, absurd at worst, in the context of a possible violent conflict of this nature.

As we have already established, the Muslim community of Britain is parasitic with respect to both financial and social capital, criminal and subversive, aggressive and rapidly growing. Its characteristics in these regards are not things it could alter even if it wanted to. Moreover, we cannot grant Muslims the vote, because we have already given them the vote. We cannot give them a fair slice of the economic pie, because they already suck out far more than they put in, consuming wealth created by others with nary a word of thanks. We cannot guarantee them that they will not be incorporated by force into our country, as they are already trying to get every mother’s son in here themselves, by hook or by crook, with the express purpose of being incorporated into it, at least in some sense. And we cannot grant them political influence commensurate with the contributions they make to British society, as their contributions to British society are all severely negative, and the political influence they already have is entirely undeserved and increasingly resented by the indigenous population.

The only way to even try and negotiate a way out of a violent conflict with Muslims would be to give in and grant them some laundry list of demands. But this would simply exacerbate every single one of the problems they already cause, and British anger at them. It is, in large part, this continual retreat in the face of Islamic wrath that has brought us to where we are today. To think that, for example, allowing Muslims in Birmingham to implement full sharia in their neighbourhoods and giving them £50,000 per year for life could somehow solve the problems we would face if they launched a rebellion of some sort would be to tip over in full-blown lunacy. Why not throw in Buckingham Palace as well, and have Anjem Choudary warbling the call for prayer from the roof? It might buy a bit of time with the believers, but is unlikely to go down very well with the natives.

It will be clear to the British people in the case of tribal conflict between them and their Muslim fifth column that defeat will result in the disappearance of their civilization, their way of life, and their existence as a people. Accordingly, they will have to win it, which means they will have to do what needs to be done to win it, which means they will have to do a great many violent and unpleasant things, things that, though quite inconceivable to many at present, will seem right and obvious to most when the nature of the conflict has become sufficiently clear.

We would like to avoid this, but feel that the window of opportunity is closing rather more quickly than some might imagine. Our greatest concern is that, despite the growing anger and alarm on the part of the British people with respect to mass immigration in general and Muslim immigration in particular, these feelings might not give rise to the necessary coalescence of political will on the part of our elected representatives in time to try and prevent the horrendous future that otherwise awaits us. We say again that the only course of action that gives us the slightest chance of avoiding the horrors outlined here is that of shutting down Muslim immigration and refusing to subsidize the higher Muslim fertility that is pushing us towards the brink. If Muslim immigration is shut down, if the cessation of all influxes of Muslims from the ‘old country’ helps Muslims integrate (whatever one understands by the term), and if the Muslim population of the UK stabilizes at a sufficiently low level (whatever that level might be), then there is at least a slight possibility that a British vs. Muslim violent conflict can still be avoided.

However, even this slight possibility will vanish if we do not act quickly, hence the need for immediate action in this regard. For it is crucial to understand here that, the longer we delay in shutting Muslim immigration down, the harder it will become to do so, and the less likely it will be that we can avoid the conflict already described. Though the Muslim population of the UK is about 4%, it is estimated[25] that approximately 11% of all children born in the UK at present are born to Muslims, a figure which suggests the sheer demographic momentum underlying the problem. Furthermore, banning further Muslim immigration will be correctly perceived by the Muslim population of the UK as seriously undermining its interests in a variety of ways. As such, they will most certainly use the votes their British citizenship give them to oppose any such move at the polls, which makes them a barrier to be overcome in this regard if we wish to solve our Muslim problem in a democratic and non-violent fashion.

We see already, across the European continent, people waking up in country after country to the catastrophic futures that await them if they cannot shake off the death grips that their current political and media establishments hold over the political trajectories of their countries. Yet in Britain, the suicidal see-no-Islam, hear-no-Islam, speak-no-Islam paradigm stumbles onwards like a buffalo shot through the heart but still unaware that it is dead. This document is a part of our personal contribution, however small that may be, to bringing the buffalo of Islamization down before, not after, it tramples us to death. ...
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Don’t you realize this is legally impossible? Think of the EU, the Human Rights Act, the UN, the International blah blah blah blah blah…

In response to this, we can only reply that laws, treaties, and the like are human constructs and therefore open to being changed by human efforts on the basis of human concerns. And changed they will be, sooner or later. If it disapproves, the EU will just have to invade us and show us the error of our ways.

How is this document going to contribute to community cohesion in Britain?

Anybody who thinks this document is supposed to contribute to community cohesion as usually conceived of needs to read it again, this time with their eyes open. This document is a call for the British people to move to shut down a phenomenon, Muslim immigration, which will thrust them into an existential conflict that they will be able to win only through the application of massive violence to Muslims as Muslims. We are not trying to give anyone warm feelings about themselves or their religion. Nor are we trying to envelop the Muslim population of Britain in a tidal wave of love. Can we be any clearer? ...
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But you just don’t seem to be very nice!

That is correct. We are not very ‘nice,’ and we are prepared to become a good deal less nice if that is what is required to prevent runaway Muslim immigration from destroying our country, our way of life, and our ability to live unmolested in our ancestral lands. If there is any particular reason for the British to allow themselves to be colonized by Muslims, whatever their provenance, now is the time for it to be explained. We are listening…
Please go read it all. It is a long read:
http://gatesofvienna.blogspot.com/2011/03/muslim-immigration-into-uk-part-three.html 
Morg

yaz